Everything about The March On Washington For Jobs And Freedom totally explained
The
March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom was a large
political rally that took place in
Washington, D.C. on
August 28 1963.
Martin Luther King, Jr. delivered his historic "
I Have a Dream" speech advocating racial harmony at the
Lincoln Memorial during the march.
Estimates of the number of participants varied from 200,000 (police estimate) to over 300,000 (march leaders). Approximately 80% of the marchers were
African American and 20%
white and other races.
The march was organized by a group of civil rights, labor, and religious organizations. Following the march, the
Civil Rights Act (1964) and the
National Voting Rights Act (1965) were passed.
Organizing
This march was initiated by
A. Philip Randolph (international president of the
Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, president of the Negro American Labor Council, and vice president of the
AFL-CIO), who had planned a similar march in 1941. The threat of the earlier march had convinced
President Roosevelt to establish the
Committee on Fair Employment Practice and bar discriminatory hiring in the defense industry.
The 1963 march was organized by Randolph,
James Farmer (president of the
Congress of Racial Equality),
John Lewis (president of the
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee), King (president of the
Southern Christian Leadership Conference),
Roy Wilkins (president of the
NAACP), and
Whitney Young (president of the
National Urban League).
Bayard Rustin, a civil rights veteran and organizer of the 1947
Journey of Reconciliation, the first of the
Freedom Rides to test the
Supreme Court ruling that banned
racial discrimination in interstate travel, administered the details of the march.
The march wasn't universally supported among African-Americans. Some civil rights activists were concerned that it might turn violent, which could undermine pending legislation and damage the international image of the movement. The march was condemned by
Malcolm X, spokesperson for the
Nation of Islam, who termed it the "farce on Washington".
March organizers themselves disagreed over the purpose of the march. The NAACP and Urban League saw it as a gesture of support for a civil rights bill that had been introduced by the
Kennedy Administration. Randolph, King, and the SCLC saw it as a way of raising both civil rights and economic issues to national attention beyond the Kennedy bill. SNCC and CORE saw it as a way of challenging and condemning the Kennedy administration's inaction and lack of support for civil rights for African-Americans.
Media coverage
National media attention greatly contributed to the march's national exposure and probable impact. In his section
"The March on Washington and Television News,"
William Thomas notes: "Over five hundred cameramen, technicians, and correspondents from the major networks were set to cover the event. More cameras would be set up than had filmed the last Presidential inauguration. One camera was positioned high in the Washington Monument, to give dramatic vistas of the marchers". By carrying the organizers' speeches and offering their own commentary, television stations literally framed the way their local audiences saw and understood the event.
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The march
On
August 28, more than 2,000
buses, 21 special
trains, 10 chartered airliners, and uncounted cars converged on Washington. The regularly scheduled planes, trains, and buses were also filled to capacity. Crowd estimates ranged from 200,000 to 300,000.
We march today for jobs and freedom, but we've nothing to be proud of, for hundreds and thousands of our brothers are not here—for they've no money for their transportation, for they're receiving starvation wages…or no wages at all. ...
We come here today with a great sense of misgiving. It is true that we support the administration's Civil Rights Bill. We support it with great reservation, however. ... Unless title three is put in this bill, there's nothing to protect the young children and old women who must face police dogs and fire hoses in the South while they engage in peaceful demonstration. In its present form this bill won't protect the citizens of Danville, Virginia, who must live in constant fear of a police state. ... As it stands now, the voting section of this bill won't help the thousands of people who want to vote. ... We must have legislation that will protect the Mississippi sharecroppers, who have been forced to leave their homes because they dared to exercise their right to register to vote.
We need a bill that will provide for the homeless and starving people of this nation. We need a bill that will ensure the equality of a maid who earns five dollars a week in the home of a family whose total income is 100,000 dollars a year. We must have a good FEPC bill.
My friends let us not forget that we're involved in a serious social revolution. By and large, politicians who build their career on immoral compromise and allow themselves an open forum of political, economic and social exploitation dominate American politics. ... what political leader can stand up and say, "My party is a party of principles"? For the party of Kennedy is also the party of Eastland. The party of Javits is also the party of Goldwater. Where is our party? Where is the political party that will make it unnecessary to march on Washington? Where is the political party that will make it unnecessary to march in the streets of Birmingham? Where is the political party that will protect the citizens of Albany, Georgia? ... We must say wake up America, wake up! For we can't stop, and we won't and can't be patient.
Cut from his original speech at the insistence of more conservative and pro-Kennedy leaders were phrases such as:
In good conscience, we can't support wholeheartedly the administration's civil rights bill, for it's too little and too late. ...
I want to know, which side is the federal government on?...
The revolution is a serious one. Mr. Kennedy is trying to take the revolution out of the streets and put it into the courts. Listen, Mr. Kennedy. Listen, Mr. Congressman. Listen, fellow citizens. The black masses are on the march for jobs and freedom, and we must say to the politicians that there won't be a "cooling-off" period.
...We will march through the South, through the heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did. We shall pursue our own scorched earth" policy and burn Jim Crow to the ground—nonviolently...
Along with Lewis, many activists from SNCC, CORE, and even SCLC were angry and bitter at what they considered censorship of his speech.
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